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I [shall] feel no [further] resentment toward my relatives. Edited by Nagano-ken. For the last two decades, Japanese historians have Prostitutes Bungo-Takada-shi a monumental body of research about the Tokugawa history of today's burakumin in part Prostitutes Bungo-Takada-shi of the outcastesa subject virtually untouched by non-Japanese scholars.

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Makibuse Village.

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If this request is honored, then I and Prostitutes Bungo-Takada-shi [my husband] will have to be taken from the population register. I want to leave Makibuse. By making this request, [I hope] I am putting an end to your order [to establish a successor].

There is no need to call me and talk to me about this again and again. Would you please examine my proposal. This petition throws some light on the headman's ill will. He refused to grant Ken's request to leave after commending her property to a temple because she Prostitutes Bungo-Takada-shi balked at his order to establish an heir.

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There is evidence here of the same uncompromising, blunt determination that comes through in her refusal to sign the register a year later, when she defiantly told the headman that "I do not care for my life, no matter. Makibuse did not have a temple. The village may have split off at some time from Iribuse, where, according to the population register, Prostitutes Bungo-Takada-shi of the inhabitants of Makibuse were registered with the Baikei-in; 49 were registered Prostitutes Bungo-Takada-shi a temple in Mochizuki doc.

This was an angry woman who, all by herself, challenged every level of authority: Prostitutes Bungo-Takada-shi shogunal magistrate, the village headman, the kumi heads, her kumi members, and her relatives.

She stood up against them Prostitutes Bungo-Takada-shi refusing to straighten out the succession of the house, sign the register, and appear before the Shimogata magistrate.

A number of people have assisted me in giving shape to this book, personally through comments, unknowingly through publications, or anonymously through institutions.

The headman reports that when her lineage members put pressure on her in the registration incident, "it was useless, she would not consent and started even saying slanderous Prostitutes Bungo-Takada-shi irresponsible things. What in Ken's past had brought her to this bold confrontation? Goningumi, or official neighborhood groups, were not supposed to Prostitutes Bungo-Takada-shi with family networks: the first article of laws of some villages in the area, like Makibuse also under bakufu jurisdiction, specified that these kumi ought not to include only kinsmen or close friends, kith and kin shinrui naka yoki mono.

In the neigh. Included in these are four versions of the Makibuse village laws, from,and He discovered great similarities, if not complete identity, among many of them across jurisdictions domains and bakufu territories of various kinds in three chronologically distinct periods separated by the s and the second decade of the eighteenth century.

He appended to his study the full text of the standard version of each period: the laws of the bakufu village of Shimo-Sakurai, nine kilometers Prostitutes Bungo-Takada-shi of Makibuse, of 21 articles56 Prostitutes Bungo-Takada-shiand also 56 articles. The first two of these laws are translated in appendixes z and 3. Among the Makibuse laws, the one of interest to us is the first one, datedwhich according to Ichikawa is identical, down to the number of articles, to the version from Shimo-Sakurai.

When citing articles of the village law of Makibuse, it is to this text appendix 3 that I refer. The article about the proper composition of goningumi is the first one in the Prostitutes Bungo-Takada-shi of Shimo-Sakurai village law appendix 2. In this region, shogunal law clearly had failed to break the power of the local self-governing bodies of the lineages.

Ken was a native of Makibuse, the daughter of a peasant named Rihei, whom we shall refer to as Rihei II since her grandfather bore the same name hence we will call the grandfather Rihei I. Born inshe was Prostitutes Bungo-Takada-shi at the time of the registration incident. Prostitutes Bungo-Takada-shiat the age of sixteen, slightly earlier, perhaps, than was usual for girls, Ken's Prostitutes Bungo-Takada-shi had married Rihei II. Ken's father died the year she was born.

At Prostitutes Bungo-Takada-shi fifteen, rather young, Ine married out to Yawata, where her mother and paternal grandmother [18] were from, perhaps to reduce the Prostitutes Bungo-Takada-shi of mouths to be fed in the family.

He suggests that this may have to do with the fact that the poor spent time as servants to supplement family income. In other circumstances, however, early Prostitutes Bungo-Takada-shi of daughters may have been a solution to the problem of too many mouths to feed.

Plate 1. Makibuse Village.

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Photograph by author. Perhaps he had been married and was divorced; we do not know. The thought that he might have been an unattractive prospect seems culturally incongruent. Males must Prostitutes Bungo-Takada-shi had the strategic advantage in a society like that of Tokugawa Japan.

Inat least, the only bachelors of marriageable age Prostitutes Bungo-Takada-shi the village were indentured ser. Outmarriage was quite common in Kita-Saku district from fairly early in the Tokugawa period, contrary to Smith's assumption of a "village rule of endogamy except for high-placed families who had to go outside the village to find marriage partners of comparable family rank. In addition, there were seven married sons, brothers, and nephews of titled peasants co-residing with Prostitutes Bungo-Takada-shi main families in an extended-family pattern, which makes a total of thirty-seven couples.

Only seven of the thirty-seven wives were from Makibuse; all the others had inmarried Prostitutes Bungo-Takada-shi villages in the same Prostitutes Bungo-Takada-shi or, in one case, from another district.

Yawata tops the list of villages as sources for wives, with five. As for outmarriage, fourteen Prostitutes Bungo-Takada-shi or sisters of current household heads married out. Only two Makibuse women married out to the Kita-Saku plain; the rest settled in the mountain area. On the other hand, ten wives came from the plain. All twenty-three bond servants genin and fudai came from the mountain area, from within a radius of eight kilometers.

There were nineteen indentured servants genin in Makibuse—twelve males Prostitutes Bungo-Takada-shi in age from thirteen to thirty-four and seven females between fourteen and twenty-three—and four lifetime servants fudai between the ages of nine and twenty-two see NAK-KS2 [1]: My occasional critique of this excellent study should be understood in light of the vast amount of Japanese scholarship produced in the last thirty years.

In NakaharaSmith reports only that Prostitutes Bungo-Takada-shi all daughters were married our of the family" but gives Prostitutes Bungo-Takada-shi figures for out-village Prostitutes Bungo-Takada-shi. See also the following note. NOTE Prostitutes Bungo-Takada-shi Land development seems to have reached its capacity in the late seventeenth century.

The kokudaka of was first recorded in NAK-KS2 [1]: ; between and another 16 koku were added. If one adds all marital liaisons in and out of the village, the total is fifty-one, out of which only seven, or 14 percent, were endogamous to the village. Let us return to the narrative.

Infive years after her first marriage, Ken's name reappears on Makibuse's family register, which means that she had left Mimayose and her husband, although it is unknown whether this was a divorce. The household she returned to, however. After the s the overwhelming majority Prostitutes Bungo-Takada-shi the peasants in Makibuse Prostitutes Bungo-Takada-shi very small landholders. On the other Prostitutes Bungo-Takada-shi, Makibuse's geographic distribution of spousal provenance is very similar to that of Kodaira a village studied in more detail in chapter 3some four kilometers to the east.

For comparative data on lifetime servants and indentured servants in the area, see ibid. The authorities kept a close tab Prostitutes Bungo-Takada-shi the whereabouts of all subjects. Ken's return, however, may have been prompted by the need to take care of her mother, then sixty-four years old or seventy, according to the entry of Prostitutes Bungo-Takada-shi year Prostitutes Bungo-Takada-shi, and the minuscule plot of land 0.

Prostitutes Bungo-Takada-shi was this a pretext to get out of Prostitutes Bungo-Takada-shi marriage that was not working? Ken was left completely alone when her mother died Prostitutes Bungo-Takada-shitwo years after her brother's disappearance. She was then twenty-five. The death of her mother brought a change in Ken's "civic" status, as we know from the next year's entry.

Kakae literally means "embrace" or "hold Prostitutes Bungo-Takada-shi one's arms" and refers to the client-patron relationship of dependency between branch and main houses; the term will be rendered hereafter as "branch house," "fully established branch house," or simply "client. In order to grasp the significance of this change, one needs to understand the highly structured village social and political hierarchy.

First, there was the great divide between peasants and nonpeasants, perhaps as great as the divide between rulers and ruled in the society at large. The nonpeasant population increased throughout the Tokugawa period as craftsmen, doctors, and others took up residence in the countryside in increasing numbers.

The first article in the village laws, including Makibuse's, reveals this hierarchy in the context of certifying that no Christians were present in the village: "Art. Re: Christians. This comprehensive list is clearly hierarchized; none of these undesirables seem to have resided in Makibuse.

Nonpeasants were second-class citizens Prostitutes Bungo-Takada-shi the village, yet some peasants also fell into this category. Next were non-titled landholders, who, although they were autonomous proprietors, were incorporated into a political dependency relationship as real or fictitious fully established branch houses kakae to main families, lineage heads, or patrons kakaeoya.

Thus were constituted lineages and sublineages, crisscrossing Prostitutes Bungo-Takada-shi overlapping the kumi as in Makibuse. All landowning peasants, even immigrants, belonged to a "lineage. In the eyes of overlords, they were the official Prostitutes Bungo-Takada-shi deliverers. The two categories of landowning peasants—fully established branch houses and lineage heads—often had a number of dependents: lifetime fudai and indentured genin servants, semi-established branch families living in a separate dwelling on the premises kadoyarenters, and dependent co-resident members, like Ken after her mother's death.

This multilayered Prostitutes Bungo-Takada-shi, status, and social hierarchy, which allowed for some controlled mobility specified later for Makibusewas thus from the bottom up: nonpeasants, lifetime servants, indentured servants, Prostitutes Bungo-Takada-shi, pure tenants, semi-established branch houses, fully established branch houses, titled peasants who allowed for further power combinations with the suprahousehold authority positions of lineage head, kumi head, and headman.

In Makibuse counted thirteen titled peasants the same number as in but three fewer than in [see table 4] and thirty-six others, among whom were four Prostitutes Bungo-Takada-shi peasants who first appear on the rosters around see table 1.

Inmoreover, of the forty-five landholding peasants sixteen had holdings of less than 1 koku, eighteen had between x and 4 koku, and Prostitutes Bungo-Takada-shi had 5 or more koku. Ken's household was among the Prostitutes Bungo-Takada-shi in Makibuse. With its 0. A year after her mother's death, in the winter ofKen married someone from Kannonji-shinden, six kilometers northwest of Makibuse, into the mountains.

This second marriage, however, was not one that would provide her house with a male head or successor because she had married out. Apparently, in this case, unlike inthe village authorities put no obstacles in the way of Prostitutes Bungo-Takada-shi leaving. Could the only difference have been that this time she seems to have had no plans to transfer her land to a temple?

Ken was supposed to take up residence with her husband Prostitutes Bungo-Takada-shi Kannonji-shinden. Yet, oddly enough, she did not Prostitutes Bungo-Takada-shi this opportunity to leave the village, because she either returned very soon to Makibuse or remained there all along.

The reason for this short-lived union was recorded as having to do with Ken's husband's postponing the building of their new house because of some problems with its proper geomantic orientation. Ken's return did not signal a firm determination to remain in Makibuse, though, Prostitutes Bungo-Takada-shi she went on a three-year stint as a servant.

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This absence, however, did not sever her ties with Makibuse, where she remained registered. Kannonji-shinden was a very small village of Komoro domain, that never amounted to much as it expanded quickly to its full capacity of a meager sixty-four koku. She worked first for one year in Hirabara, some fifteen kilometers northeast of Makibuse, then for two years in the castle town of Komoro, the center of the small fudai domain some thirteen kilometers almost due north gradually reduced by to 15, koku from an original 50,of which Makibuse was a part for some time It seems that, after her misfortunes, Prostitutes Bungo-Takada-shi sought to escape from her kin and had no intention of continuing the household by Prostitutes Bungo-Takada-shi an heir or remarrying.

After her Prostitutes Bungo-Takada-shi, she reappears on the village register in Prostitutes Bungo-Takada-shi a resident, and then we lose track of her until her third marriage, in It remained unchanged until the end of the Tokugawa period at least until Prostitutes Bungo-Takada-shi By Kannonji-shinden had split off as a separate village with 64 koku, which also remained unchanged.

Its population was registered as seventy-nine Prostitutes Bungo-Takada-shi He is a Prostitutes Bungo-Takada-shi who was born in the village of Naka-Maruko. There is no question that [his family] has been registered with this temple for generations. Now he is moving to your village as a successor [to a house there].

Therefore, as the original guarantor of his religious affiliation, [I submit] the above document. Certificate of leave Re : Yohachi, 39 years Prostitutes Bungo-Takada-shi The above mentioned person was born in this village and is certified as such.

He is moving Prostitutes Bungo-Takada-shi your honorable village as successor to Rihei. Please add him to your Prostitutes Bungo-Takada-shi register and put him under your jurisdiction. For future reference, this sending document is as stated above. The second document is addressed to Makibuse's headman not to the village officials, as the first document is by the headman of origin, Mochizuki and not by the person's family temple, as in the first documentwhere the person in question, Yohachi or Rokuemonwas registered.

It Prostitutes Bungo-Takada-shi Rokuemon's age and the house Rihei's to which he will succeed in Makibuse, both of which are missing in the former document, and requests that his name be added to the population register in that capacity also missing in the former document. The second Prostitutes Bungo-Takada-shi is more formal and complete.

The title of the second document Prostitutes Bungo-Takada-shi added on a separate sheet by the headman for filing purposes. Ken's two divorces and her seeming reluctance to adopt another husband had put the continuity of that house in jeopardy.

It is a pleasure to have captured your eye and I Prostituierte Bungo Takada Shi intend to become well acquainted. I stand at 5’4 with a curvaceous figure, silky, flowing dark hair with deep brown eyes and Prostituierte Bungo Takada Shi full, plush lips you will desire long after our encounter comes to an end. I have soft, supple brown skin and an exotic flair due to my diverse cultural. Traditional enemies also included Quechans and Yavapais; their main allies were how to find hindu women in leicester Pee-Posh. In desperation, they often committed themselves to religion, folk Prostitutes Oita, traditional medicine, and natural Bungo-Takada-shi — Oita sometimes helped them survive more than six months.

Everything points to a forgery in the making. It should be pointed out that this kind of document, a notification of a marriage union, does not mention the wife. Is it too much to interpret this as indicating the absence of a legal status for women as contributing to a man's Prostitutes Bungo-Takada-shi as his wife?

The two legal entities that are united here are a male and a house. Presumably, if the person Prostitutes Bungo-Takada-shi sent were a woman, she would be spoken of as joining a male, as acquiring a new identity as someone's wife.

Is the phrase "successor to a house," as Bourdieu suggests, writing of Berber heirs in a similar situation, "an official euphemism allowing people to name the unnameable, that is a man who could only be defined, in the house that Prostitutes Bungo-Takada-shi him, as the husband of his wife"? Rokuemon's arrival brought another change in Ken's "civic" status: she was promoted from co-resident to head of a fully established branch house kakae.

It had not always been that. Ken's obviously strong personality may perhaps partly explain this. Source : Adapted from Ozaki, "Kenjo ikken," table 4 p. Notes : The total yield of the Prostitutes Bungo-Takada-shi property held by Genzaemon A in Prostitutes Bungo-Takada-shi 20 koku; that held by 7 households in is 22 koku.

Note that Ken switched Prostitutes Bungo-Takada-shi she is not dependent on D 2 but on E 4. Originally Ken's paternal ancestors had headed the lineage. Since around there had been four households, headed then by Rihei I, Ken's grandfather C 1 of fig. Prostitutes Bungo-Takada-shi mentioned above, the patron-client or main house-branch house lineage Prostitutes Bungo-Takada-shi was a strictly internal village affair, not regulated by shogunal law although disputes concerning it, unresolvable in the village, could come before intendants.

That it was private or informal from the lord's point of view does not mean that lineage practice was not formalized and regulated locally. The distinction between private and public does not pertain to the presence or absence of political regulation as such; rather, it defines the modality of jurisdictional recognition between two social units one of which encompasses the other. The bakufu left lineages alone, recognizing as legal entities only neighborhood kumi as public institutions at the subvillage level.

Nevertheless, as we shall see repeatedly, lineages were Prostitutes Bungo-Takada-shi for the communal organization of villages.

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Every peasant household in the Kita-Saku area had to be accounted for intramurally in a patron-client relationship; none could function otherwise. Even new settlers Prostitutes Bungo-Takada-shi outside had first to secure a sponsoring patron in addition to the village council's Prostitutes Bungo-Takada-shi.

Since political power was limited to titled peasants, who held access shares to irrigation, common grass or mountain land, and so on, and lineage heads were always titled peasants, a client's access to power and its benefits was totally dependent on his or her relationship to a patron and the latter's position and standing among the titled peasants. Prostitutes Bungo-Takada-shi client who had serious complaints about his or her patron or lineage head could ask the village council to switch the household to a different patron.

Ken was able to elevate her status from co-resident back to branch house, as it had been when her brother and mother were still alive, by securing a male head and eventual successor to the house through marriage. We know the real reason from a petition she submitted to the headman in the summer ofa year after her marriage to Rokuemon. She told them that she had a request to make. This was obviously a serious matter, because that day the headman started keeping notes of Prostitutes Bungo-Takada-shi, recording also the absence of any officials and the reason for it, as well as occasional quotations Prostitutes Bungo-Takada-shi who said what.

The headman recorded that he consulted with two villagers that same evening. Two days later he got in touch with the Shimogata magistrate. On that. He had moved to Makibuse to marry Ken only eleven months earlier.

His answer was important, however, because it was certainly irregular for a wife to engage in public action that took on the appearance of a lawsuit without her husband's consent, since he held legal authority over the household.

The interrogators must have known that this was a wedge they could possibly drive into Ken's intentions. His wife's pursuit of a lawsuit, with or without his knowledge or assent, must have humiliated Rokuemon, for Prostitutes Bungo-Takada-shi showed his inability to keep Prostitutes Bungo-Takada-shi in his own household as was his duty. Moreover, lawsuits were to be avoided at all cost. Those Prostitutes Bungo-Takada-shi resorted to them were written about in the village law as being on a par with other troublemakers and thus as people who should be reported: "Art.

People who are not engaged in Prostitutes Bungo-Takada-shi, trade, or any other occupation, or withdraw from consultation with the village, or like quarrels and lawsuits, or do all kinds of bad things should not be hidden [but reported]" see Prostitutes Bungo-Takada-shi 3. He may have returned to his native Mochizuki, which was very close. There is also a written pledge from around this time to stay away from sake; his problems must have led him to drink.

Shortly thereafter, Ken added her voice and persuaded him to return. Obviously, life in Makibuse had become unbearable for Rokuemon, yet Ken prevailed for a while in keeping him home. Finally, he could not take it any longer, Prostitutes Bungo-Takada-shi two years later, inhe disappeared for good. Ken, however, must Prostitutes Bungo-Takada-shi had problems too, for around the same time she started petitioning to leave the village.

Indeed, as we shall see. This suit, which had been on her mind for some time, sheds light on Ken's second and third marriages. Her second one came to a quick end because her move to another village under a different jurisdiction Komoro domain would have made a suit nearly impossible. Perhaps Ken sensed that this arranged marriage was an exile in disguise, which may explain her resistance under the flimsy pretext of inauspicious geomantic matters.

Once registered under him, Ken was legally as incompetent as a child, and "hierarchy Prostitutes Bungo-Takada-shi in which children might sue fathers or retainers might sue Prostitutes Bungo-Takada-shi superiors, were outlawed. Ken's third marriage, to Rokuemon, however, solved the problem of legal voice, because it gave her back her status as a member of an autonomous household. Seattle: University of Washington Press,"Whether they were family or feudal, the rule was that suits brought by inferiors Prostitutes Bungo-Takada-shi not accepted.

In his opinion, universal registration in Tokugawa Japan created, in principlethe notion that everybody had the right to petition or sue, a "right" that was, however, thwarted in many practical ways. In this view, strictly speaking, Ken would not have needed that marriage to give her legal voice. The next day, a report of the investigation Prostitutes Bungo-Takada-shi sent to Shimogata, probably under the assumption that things had been taken care of.

By insisting on a written petition, the Prostitutes Bungo-Takada-shi must have aimed at more than a postponement of the case, calculating that without her husband's consent and assistance, and with the whole village against her, Prostitutes Bungo-Takada-shi would be unable to draft a formal document.

Ken, however, was a resourceful woman. Ten days later the document was forwarded to Shimogata. I have mountains and mountains of grudges against Mr. He called my relatives and he called the whole village together, deliberated with them, gave detailed instructions, and [thus] the innocent peasant of my house [my brother] was killed.

If he had been guilty [of some crime], my mother or myself would have been told Prostitutes Bungo-Takada-shi details by my relatives. Spite and vexation about this murder have piled up mountain high, which I kept in my Prostitutes Bungo-Takada-shi until this year. I want to pray for the repose of his soul with a memorial offering so Prostitutes Bungo-Takada-shi your descendants may not suffer divine retribution. Anyhow, following my judgment nanibun ni mo kono kata no zonji yori niI request that a memorial service be held.

I returned home and told my mother the details [of what I had heard]. My sister also came from Yawata station [where she had married]. But I was young Prostitutes Bungo-Takada-shi and mother lost her mind because this had been too much for her, so that I abandoned the plan until this year.

All the relatives signed a note to that effect. For this reason [he] did not [dare to] come home. If he were to come Prostitutes Bungo-Takada-shi, my uncle, Mr.

So he hung around in the Prostitutes Bungo-Takada-shi and stayed at a dry field [owned by the family] at the Prostitutes Bungo-Takada-shi of Ichiyama. Shinzaemon [E 1 ] delivered the first blow with a club, for which I heaped mountains of hatred on him.

But now, after seventeen years, I shall forgive him. Dan'emon, who delivered blows, after seventeen years I can forgive. F of Prostitutes Bungo-Takada-shi 5], Prostitutes Bungo-Takada-shi [kumi head; Prostitutes Bungo-Takada-shi But those Prostitutes Bungo-Takada-shi participated in this murder Prostitutes Bungo-Takada-shi know about them.

Together with her sister and mother, Ken had Prostitutes Bungo-Takada-shi the possibility of pressing charges with the shogunal authorities, a plan she abandoned, but Prostitutes Bungo-Takada-shi for seventeen years, as it turned out.

Over time, Ken probably picked up bits and pieces of the story, which was a public secret. Article 51 of the village law specifically warns against horse thieves and go-betweens in horse Prostitutes Bungo-Takada-shi see appendix 3.

Although Prostitutes Bungo-Takada-shi stated her accusation within the context of a professed desire to hold a memorial service and a willingness to Prostitutes Bungo-Takada-shi some of those involved in the crime about which more will be said latershe was seeking at least some justice—from the accused—for a crime committed seventeen Prostitutes Bungo-Takada-shi earlier.

If the village officials had ordered the murder as a punishment, they were in double or even triple jeopardy: for contracting a murder, for committing it, and for Prostitutes Bungo-Takada-shi beyond the bounds of their penal jurisdiction by issuing a death verdict, if, in fact, that is what they did. This last point is important, for as we know, in principle, "private justice" was forbidden by shogunal law.

The historian Mizumoto Kunihiko lists seventeenth-century laws which did not change during the next century at various jurisdictional. In the figures were slightly different: 12 horses, 11 titled peasants out of a total of 48 households, and a population of see table 1 ; thus there was almost one horse per titled peasant. Now, however, there are no horses for that price Takimoto Sei'ichi, vol.

In addition, Mizumoto cites Prostitutes Bungo-Takada-shi of enforcement of such laws: in Okayama domain a headman was beheaded for having "secretly" i.

Makibuse's village law explicitly prohibited the killing of evildoers article Prostitutes Bungo-Takada-shi or the plotting by peasants of evil things article 17; see appendix 3. The officials in Makibuse saw their options for getting rid of this case disappearing fast once an official accusation of murder had been made. If behind the attempt to have Prostitutes Bungo-Takada-shi married out to Kannonji-shinden lay the intention to get rid of the Prostitutes Bungo-Takada-shi dissident voice against them, they had failed.

Doing away with the evidence by eliminating the litigant was obviously much too extreme and risky. Besides, the recommended punishment for such a crime in shogunal courts was the death penalty, followed by gibbetting of the severed head. Hence, they had to transmit the suit to the Shimogata office because murder was a matter beyond village jurisdiction and the investigation and punishment had to be left to the higher authorities. What the village officials resorted to, as already mentioned, was seeking secret advice from the Shimogata magistrate on how to handle this.

For an Prostitutes Bungo-Takada-shi translation of Prostitutes Bungo-Takada-shi z of the Kujikata osadamegakisee John C. That much we Prostitutes Bungo-Takada-shi from Prostitutes Bungo-Takada-shi headman's diary, but he did not record the nature of this advice.

We can only follow the developments surmising what it might have been. The shogunal legislation that would be applied in an eventual trial was as follows.

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The Prostitutes Bungo-Takada-shi provided for severe punishments, graded according to the nature of the murder, the perpetrators, their motives, their degree of participation, and the status Prostitutes Bungo-Takada-shi the victim. For example, accidentally Prostitutes Bungo-Takada-shi a nephew was punished by banishment; but if the murder had been premeditated for gain, it was punished by death shizai.

Contracting a murder was punished by death geshunin ; executing a contract murder, by banishment. Among accomplices, the one who struck the first blow received Prostitutes Bungo-Takada-shi death penalty geshuninProstitutes Bungo-Takada-shi who assisted were banished, and those who did not physically participate in the crime were punished by medium deportation 10 miles.

There existed some half-dozen different death penalties, of which shizai and geshunin were the lowest Prostitutes Bungo-Takada-shi. Death penalties were always beheadings, to which various additional degrees of nastiness could be added, such as Prostitutes Bungo-Takada-shi of the criminal, gibbetting, and so on.

Shizai always entailed the availability of the corpse for sword practice tame-shimono by samurai and confiscation of the criminal's property kessho. Geshunin, as a rule reserved only for commoners, was based on the Prostitutes Bungo-Takada-shi principle calling for the taking of a life if a murder has been committed; the corpse and property were left intact.

As was to be expected, they disagreed Prostitutes Bungo-Takada-shi Ken's statement, which again Prostitutes Bungo-Takada-shi her alone to face the whole village and its authorities. She had no allies. The next day Ken was summoned by the headman and informed of Prostitutes Bungo-Takada-shi relatives' intention not to back her up, to which Ken apparently retorted, "If my request is not settled after submitting it to the [Shi.

Always upping the ante in her confrontations with authority, Ken invariably found ways to Prostitutes Bungo-Takada-shi to official threats with threats of her own. Thus, the Shimogata office was officially informed of Ken's suit. Early that morning all those involved in Ken's suit, practically the whole village the headman, the kumi leaders, and all the members of the kumi Prostitutes Bungo-Takada-shi, were summoned to Shimogata for interrogation.

Yet the question addressed to Ken was not about her allegations. Ken had married and left home four years before her brother's disappearance. Shinzaemon, however, produced then and there the disinheritance deed. Seeing that the killers would escape prosecution, Ken spat out, "Now I hate you even more.

Let us first follow the investigation to its conclusion. A second question pressed upon Ken was how she had drawn up the lawsuit. Her ability to do this, after all, had thwarted the village officials' plan to ever let it come this far. Ken admitted that she had paid someone to draft the document, but she was fierce in her refusal to reveal the name of the person who had assisted her. A war was being waged here over knowledge of documents.

The disinheritance deed nullified Ken's suit, and she was ultimately accused of lying when she maintained her ignorance of its existence. The officials, on the other hand, tried to prevent her from producing a docu. Ken's ignorance was the weapon used by the officials against Ken she should have known about the Prostitutes Bungo-Takada-shithat she was quick to use against them when she refused to reveal the name of the scribe.

Of course, we do not know who helped Ken. It is unlikely that it was someone from the village. If she had to find help elsewhere, however, she would not have had Prostitutes Bungo-Takada-shi search far. Her family temple in Iribuse, to which she intended to commend her property, was only one kilometer away.

She could have gone to Yawata, where her sister was living and where her mother and grandmother had come from. By this time in the Tokugawa period there were literate people in most villages, some even with scholarly pretensions. Prostitutes Bungo-Takada-shi were thus ways to circumvent the village elite's monopoly on writing and on writing in proper form which meant power in a regime that governed through documents.

Ken's "petition," nevertheless, was not in proper form, for it gave too much vent to her resentment and hatred and was devoid of the obligatory deferential formulae, Prostitutes Bungo-Takada-shi being extremely difficult to understand.

It looks like a draft for a suit and allows a rare glimpse at a commoner's feelings, and rarer still, at a woman's confrontation with authority. She must have realized that life there would be hell, and those with the power to decide whether Prostitutes Bungo-Takada-shi release her or to consign her to the village for life must have Prostitutes Bungo-Takada-shi it as well. She was given no final answer; Prostitutes Bungo-Takada-shi, she was "entrusted" to her husband Rokuemon, a euphemism for house confinement.

This closed the first round of the investigation. Therefore, the lineage and the whole village banished him.

Blows fell, resulting in his death. Moreover, he had been thrown out of the village for good reason gamblingand it was his resistance to this Prostitutes Bungo-Takada-shi that had led to the tragedy. On Ken's own admission, the headman had wondered "what would be next, given that Prostitutes Bungo-Takada-shi does all these things.

This had two legal consequences. And second, the alibi introduced an element that today would be labeled "justified and legal self-defense. One article of the shogunal penal code read: "When, due to the unreasonable behavior of one party, one has no choice but to cut him or her down, if it is certain that the relatives and village headman of the victim acknowledge that he or she was ordinarily unlawful in behavior, offer no excuses for the person in question, and beg that the killer be pardoned, the punishment is to be medium deportation [i.

Prostitutes Bungo-Takada-shi this point the Prostitutes Bungo-Takada-shi of disinheritance comes in. Japanese disinheritance practice has changed over time. In antiquity, gizetsu "cutting the obligation" meant expulsion from home and loss of all inheritance rights.

The descendant had to leave the house and was freed from all filial obligations and rights, including protection, but was not barred from official posts; and the decision could be revoked by the parents. See also F. Official ratification was by the parents, kumi, village officials, and the intendant who ultimately permitted the fugitive to be taken from the population rosters, which automatically dissolved marriage and blocked any possibility of holding office.

Laws and institutions often have ambiguous functions. They steer practice along norms and Prostitutes Bungo-Takada-shi to produce good and just behavior, which, however, may only be good and just in some respects but not in others.

Hence, they also produce a need for Prostitutes Bungo-Takada-shi laws and institutions to correct these "dysfunctions. One was the stipulation, inherent in the Prostitutes Bungo-Takada-shi feudal configuration of power, that crimes be judged in the jurisdiction of the criminal's registration.

The simplest of these were domains or fiefs for Prostitutes Bungo-Takada-shi and samurai. Matters were more complicated for uncommon commoners like priests, registered beggars, outcastes, and the registered blind or for uncommon cases that involved two jurisdictions.

Hence they could suffer for a crime committed by someone who had absconded and over whom they Prostitutes Bungo-Takada-shi thus lost control. Legally separating an absconder from the group responsible for him or her through official disinheritance prevented such injustice. Hence, "disinheritance" was rather dormant as protection for the legally accountable group. Such disinheritance was a publicly certified act. It had to be approved by the local headman, and valid reasons had to be stated.

Since someone thus "disinherited" Prostitutes Bungo-Takada-shi erased from the village registers, this measure Prostitutes Bungo-Takada-shi to be sanctioned by the higher authorities.

It changed the official status of the person in question. Such a person was thus cut off from the village in all Prostitutes Bungo-Takada-shi ways, having neither obligations to the village nor privileges, including the privilege of protection.

He was an outlaw. Article 4 of the Makibuse village law made this clear: "People who have killed someone, or strange people who hang out in shrines, forests, and mountains: the villagers, together Prostitutes Bungo-Takada-shi people from neighboring villages, should set out, arrest them, tie them up, and hand them over. If it is difficult to catch them there on the spot, then you Prostitutes Bungo-Takada-shi to pursue them however far and catch them where they settle.

But no matter what kind of person Prostitutes Bungo-Takada-shi are, you cannot kill them" see appendix 3. And why did the villagers and lineage members mete out. Since these documents were so crucial in the murder case, it is of course not unthinkable that they were fabricated post factum for that purpose—after the murder and even after Ken presented her suit. The modern presumption that seals were always kept at home, however, does not apply universally to Tokugawa Japan.

Moreover, he did not engage in agriculture. In particular, last fall he left fallow the small dry field we have, leaving me almost starving [the following spring]. Again and again the lineage, united in its views, requested him [to Prostitutes Bungo-Takada-shi his ways], but it was of no use whatsoever and the problems remained.

I asked the lineage to look for him everywhere, but he has not been found to this day, and this matter has [still] not been settled. It is hard to gauge what other evil things he might be up to next. I therefore request the shogunal authorities to take him, starting this year, from the population register and disinherit him.

The first two parts read as follows:. Therefore, I petition to remove [my son] from the population register.

We immediately started a search everywhere without results. We have searched until today but not found him, and nobody has reported him, so that nobody from either the lineage or the kumi has been able to lay a hand on him.

The above is without fallacy. Without any discrepancy do the relatives and kumi endorse the mother's petition. He drank too much and caused trouble. Moreover, he Prostitutes Bungo-Takada-shi with his uncle's horse. Ken also refers to Prostitutes Bungo-Takada-shi matter in her petition, although rather obliquely. Private searches failed to locate him.

Prostitutes Bungo-Takada-shi one month a complaint was filed; the kumi ordered an official search, with no Prostitutes Bungo-Takada-shi. Fleeing became legal absconding only after a certified effort had been made to apprehend the fugitive.

A certain amount of time officially, six periods of thirty days was fixed during which active searches were repeatedly ordered by the village or supravillage authorities. Following this investigation, the lineage had made him promise to abandon horse trading and return to tilling the fields, a promise he had not kept. This, presumably, was "the will of the lineage.

The previous fall, the officials also related, his absence of over twenty days Prostitutes Bungo-Takada-shi made him miss the wheat Prostitutes Bungo-Takada-shi time, which had endangered his mother's food supply.

His relatives looked for him quietly for one month, but then the kumi was ordered to undertake a formal search, which it did for an. This reiteration no doubt had a reinforcing effect, solidifying the case against him.

At this point, however, she could not have foreseen the tragic outcome only three months away. How small was the property? His father, Rihei 11, had not managed the property too well: he had lost one third of it, since he had started out with 2. One koku of Prostitutes Bungo-Takada-shi was the amount needed to feed an adult for one year, and one able-bodied adult could normally cultivate three Prostitutes Bungo-Takada-shi.

A similar estimate is given in NAK-Twhere it is stated that a couple could cultivate seven to eight tan the equivalent of about ten koku. A holding's kokudaka is only an indirect reflection of its size, for it refers to the computed Prostitutes Bungo-Takada-shi yield of all products converted into rice equivalents, on the basis of which the tribute was calculated. This tribute, in turn, was paid neither in rice nor m any other natural products.

Afterin all bakufu land in Shinano, the tribute amount, calculated as a percentage of the kokudaka, was converted into a cash amount at the going conversion rate NAK-T Table 2.

The 0. All paddles, plus the 0. With 1. In other words, he wound up selling 90 percent of the land he had inherited, making him no better Prostitutes Bungo-Takada-shi than a landless peasant, as mentioned earlier. He was killed a year after he sold his last paddy. This was when he sold almost half of his prime paddy to his cousin. Two years later he disposed of all the newly developed low-grade dry fields, except for the tiny plot in the mountains, which he kept until the end.

The next spurt of sales occurred between and first the main honden dry fields all at one time inthen the remaining precious paddy Prostitutes Bungo-Takada-shi by piece. Until then he Prostitutes Bungo-Takada-shi have been working the fields he had inherited Prostitutes Bungo-Takada-shi years earlier. In he fell into a spiraling circle of horse trading, gambling, drunkenness, and land sales. At least this is the picture one gets from the disinheritance document the village officials submitted to the Shimogata office.

Yet these hardships seem to Prostitutes Bungo-Takada-shi come in spurts: the first one in loss: 0. His sister Ine got Prostitutes Bungo-Takada-shi in this first period, his sister Ken in the second period. These data Ozaki culled from records unrelated to the case.

However, the incident with the population register triggered an investigation, possibly ordered by the Shimogata office.

The report reveals a wider Prostitutes Bungo-Takada-shi to Ken's lineage and introduces us to some social and political dimensions of the history Prostitutes Bungo-Takada-shi Makibuse. Yet, the "chest of personal belongings" the bride usually took may have seriously taxed a poor peasant's resources. His Prostitutes Bungo-Takada-shi were listed at 20 koku, among the four largest land holdings, each between 20 and 24 koku.

The story mirrors the fate of many families in the area. One has only to remember that down to only three out of twelve families had holdings of under ten koku, while after that number was forty-six out of forty-nine and thirty-four of the forty-six had three koku or less [see table 4].

In the second generation, in the late s, the successor B lost the village headship because Prostitutes Bungo-Takada-shi an unspecified village conflict, but his holdings were not affected negatively; in fact, they grew even larger according to the resurvey Prostitutes Bungo-Takada-shihe had twenty-three koku. In the transition from the second to the third generation, inthe property was split among four sons. The successor to the lineage headship C Prostitutes Bungo-Takada-shithen the oldest son received about one-third of the Prostitutes Bungo-Takada-shi, and the other three C 2C 3and C 4 each received one-fifth.

However, partitioning had already started more than a decade earlier. The latter three, including the fatherwere all clients of Rihei I, their patron and also the only titled peasant in the lineage. According to Ozaki's table, this Shinzaemon was the son Prostitutes Bungo-Takada-shi another Shinzaemon. My reasoning is based on the assumption that Prostitutes Bungo-Takada-shi is only one Shinzaemon, son of Genzaemon A and father of Rihei I and his brother s.

It should be noted that the father moved out a pattern of retirement sometimes called Prostitutes Bungo-Takada-shi bunkeliterally, "retirement branch house"and the headship was passed on to a house that branched off but was legally the head of the lineage and inherited also the status of titled peasant.

Primogeniture was by no means Prostitutes Bungo-Takada-shi rule in this region or, indeed, in most of rural Japan in the seventeenth century. In a bakufu official sketched a picture of the optimal ratio of land to people in an ideal village. Such a model community would have zoo koku half paddies and half dry fields and a population of divided into 24 households, 60 males and 60 females, Prostitutes Bungo-Takada-shi well as 12 craftsmen or merchants and 6 horses.

Its population, however, was double what it should have been: 48 households with a total of members and 21 horses. The earlier edicts Prostitutes Bungo-Takada-shi the sale of land and the division of land into holdings of less than to koku in the case of headmen, 20 koku had failed to strengthen the rulers' grip on agricultural surplus.

A significant increase in the number of large landholdings syphoned off part of that surplus as land rent paid to landlords by tenant farmers without land, or with too little land to support their Prostitutes Bungo-Takada-shi.

The history of these two prohibitions—"thou shalt not accumulate" and "thou shalt not divide"—and their implementation is a complex one. The limitation on land partitioning was dealt with locally by officially tatemae limiting the number of titled peasants and recording branch houses as working part of the main family's land buntsuke.

Prostitutes Bungo-Takada-shi practice can also be found in Makibuse, for instance in Genzaemon's lineage. The cadaster shows the land registered under Rihei I's name and indicates the amount tilled separately buntsuke by each household of the lineage.

In Makibuse, however, those households marked as buntsuke in the land cadaster had already been registered six years earlier in the population register Prostitutes Bungo-Takada-shi branch houses kakaethat is to say, as separate branch houses under a patron. What is certain, however, is that they were branch houses without being tided peasants. In the village of Makibuse, the title became a privilege and a mark of political, not economic, power.

Like shares or stock that could be sold, titles were transmissible and negotiable. In order to purchase one, an individual needed "economic capital," but as Prostitutes Bungo-Takada-shi z indicates, one could hold on to it as symbolic and political capital even if one's holding was less than 2 koku. Note that household L of figure z had only 0. As in the case of neighboring Kodaira, which is analyzed in detail in chapter 3, partitioning leveled economic differences between titled peasants or patrons and nontitled branch houses.

Such partitioning of the lineage's holdings by establishing branch houses was a common practice in Makibuse. NOTE : Over a span of thirteen years, between andthe lineage, headed by A, added four households, D-K; byB and Prostitutes Bungo-Takada-shi already existed as autonomous households. The position of economic prominence of the main house over the branch houses disappeared as its size dropped from 14 koku to 3 and its holdings were equalized with those of all the other units of the lineage.

Notice that H, the successor to A, was the youngest of five sons d-h and that the holding was divided equally among them. It was quite usual for fudai to marry and have families of their own Prostitutes Bungo-Takada-shi being set up as a separate branch. Thus, the practice of branching off of fudai must have led to a population increase.

The same leveling trend was manifested throughout the village see table 4. Between and the distribution of holdings among titled peasants remained stable: four units had holdings of koku one of them being the A and B Prostitutes Bungo-Takada-shi of Genzaemon's lineagefive units had koku, two had koku, and one had 3 koku. Prostitutes Bungo-Takada-shi one household with less than 1 koku Prostitutes Bungo-Takada-shi I had disappeared from the registers three years later, leaving a total of twelve titled Prostitutes Bungo-Takada-shi households by Byhowever, the situation had changed drastically, although official registration maintained a fiction of continuity: four households were shown to have more than 20 koku, four to have koku, seven to have between 4 and 9 koku, and one Prostitutes Bungo-Takada-shi 1 koku, bringing the total to sixteen, an official increase of four.

Yet, in reality, seven out of this total of sixteen holdings each officially registered under one house were divided among two to five households, usually evenly, resulting in a massive unofficial increase in the number of households owning koku of land.

Source : Adapted from Ozaki, "Kenjo ikken," table Prostitutes Bungo-Takada-shi p. Notes : Nonce the kokudaka of 0. It will be remembered that the headman, also a titled peasant, had over 30 koku. Smith Agrarian Origins39 n. In subsequent decades the partitioning of lineage lands continued. By Prostitutes Bungo-Takada-shi total number of households had risen to forty-nine thirteen titled peasants, thirty-two branch houses, Prostitutes Bungo-Takada-shi four landless peasantswith two holdings above 30 koku; one of x4 and one of 10 koku; seven in the koku range; eighteen in the koku range; and sixteen with less than 1 koku.

Four peasants were registered as without land of their own. Bywhen Ken's grandfather Rihei I divided his property increased by 1 koku to a total of 9some Prostitutes Bungo-Takada-shi of Genzaemon's lineage were struggling to survive on very diminished holdings. Ken's father, Rihei II D 1received only 2. Her father's cousin D 3with only 1. The other branch of the lineage was doing better: Prostitutes Bungo-Takada-shi cousin of her father's D 5who held 6.

Prostitutes Bungo-Takada-shi in this situation had few options. Obviously, they lacked the means Prostitutes Bungo-Takada-shi develop substantial new fields. Moreover, the terrain may not have allowed further development.

Over more than four generations, between andthe lineage's holdings increased by a mere 2 koku. One solution was part-tenancy, but it is not clear whether this was an option in Makibuse. There were only a few holdings large enough to use labor beyond the nuclear family two holders of more than 30 koku, one of 14 koku, and one of 10 Prostitutes Bungo-Takada-shi [see table 4]labor that may have been provided by hereditary or indentured servants who do not seem to disappear, even though the population grew Prostitutes Bungo-Takada-shi and at a much faster rate than the village kokudaka see table 1.

On the other hand, branch house or client status no doubt included some duties for the lineage head or patron that may have been remunerated; indeed, some clients may have been quasi-tenants. Another solution for surplus members of the household was to seek regular employment in towns or cities or short-term employment during the slack winter season. In Prostitutes Bungo-Takada-shi left his wife and daughter Ine Ken was not yet Prostitutes Bungo-Takada-shi and took twelve-year-old.

Documents show Yomase villagers petitioning to go to Edo from the ninth to the third month in In in Otsukoto Suwa districtwhich had households, the number of those who Prostitutes Bungo-Takada-shi petitioned to spend the winter months in Edo was 33 NAK-T In Kodaira see n.

Numbers indicate households whose relationship over time could not be traced between and Totals of through " Officially " all refer to titled peasants; those of " In reality " comprise the same 16 titled peasants and their 15 branch houses after partition; the totals for are for Prostitutes Bungo-Takada-shi number of households and, in parentheses, the number of titled peasants. The number of households almost quadrupled between and from 13 to 49although the aggregate yield remained more or less the same: approximately koku in and koku in Numbers have been rounded to the nearest even number.

The increase in small and minuscule holdings was dramatic. Landless peasants appeared in 4when another 23 households with less than z koku were very close to becoming landless. In only 4 out of 13 households held less than to koku; in that number was 45, and only 4 held more than 10 koku.

These efforts proved somewhat successful, for in Rihei Prostitutes Bungo-Takada-shi was able to "buy back" 0. Rihei II, whose great-grandfather and grandfather had been village headmen and whose father, Rihei I, had held the office for one year inhad become an impoverished, untitled peasant. A brief excursus is called for here regarding the link between village office and peasant Prostitutes Bungo-Takada-shi in Makibuse.

As table 5 indicates, in the first half of the eighteenth century the number of titled peasants in the village decreased by one-third, from Prostitutes Bungo-Takada-shi to eleven. These five households became clients of other titled peasants household numbers 2, 4, 10, 14, and On the other hand, Prostitutes Bungo-Takada-shi clients became titled peasants, trading status with their patrons.

Prostitutes Bungo-Takada-shi, Bungo-Takada-shi (JP) girls

With a firm grasp of the system of governance, geared toward the maintenance of order, Ken succeeded more than once in strategically subverting it to pursue what she judged to be just. It has a nagasa of

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